Women and the Rwandan Genocide

Learn how the Rwandan Genocide shaped the role of women in Rwanda:

Women and Rwandan Genocide

In 1994 a country-wide disaster erupted in Rwanda, following nearly a century of amplifying ethnic tensions. Formerly neglected and oppressed Hutus rose up against politically and socially dominant Tutsis. This led to a 100-day genocide that left Rwandans deeply scarred, both physically and psychologically. Despite the tragedy several good things emerged from this nightmare period: the advancement of women in critical areas of both Rwandan political and economic life, although not domestic life.

President Kagame became one of the largest advocates for the revolution of women’s rights in Rwanda. Following his election in 2000, Paul Kagame made the reincorporation of women into Rwandan politics one of his primary goals. Prior to the 2003 constitution, Rwanda ranked 37th in the world for women’s representation in parliament. Today, it ranks 1st, surpassing every other country in the world by a wide margin. In the lower house, approximately 61% of the members are women, and in the upper chamber, roughly 38% are women. The catalyst for this astonishing progress stems from the genocide itself, and the aftermath of it.

Rwandan ethnic tensions had been building since before the 1900s between the country’s main ethnic groups, the Hutu, which measured about 85% of the population, and the Tutsi, about 10%. Rwanda was under the colonial rule of first Germany, and then, after WWI, Belgium. These colonial governments first entrenched ethnic identities and then exacerbated ethnic tensions by favoring the Tutsis over the majority Hutu population when assigning leadership roles. Europeans believed that the Tutsi race originated from Ethiopia, and was therefore superior to the Hutus.

Though the economy shifted over the next several decades, Tutsis remained in higher status. In the 1930s, the Belgian government further deepened ethnic divisions and laid the foundation for future animosity when they introduced identification cards for all of Rwanda’s citizens. Before that, the lines between Tutsi and Hutus were more fluid. It was possible for wealthy Hutus to become honorary Tutsis, but any further chance of that status improvement was slashed by the I.D cards.

About a decade later, after the end of World War Two, a Hutu liberation movement started to grow and spread throughout Rwanda. Many Hutu people felt resentment towards Tutsis and the government because of unfair advantages. Many people began to call for the higher education of Hutus, leading towards a balance of the power/rights of these two groups. Elite Tutsis, after becoming aware of the growing power of Hutus, began asserting their dominance over the Hutus once again. By 1957, there was such strong Hutu defiance against the Tutsis that a document titled the Bahutu Manifesto was published. This document, written by Hutu scholars, was the first of its kind to label the Tutsi and Hutu separate races, and call for the transfer of power. Nearly two years later, a prominent Hutu sub-chief was assassinated by Tutsis, marking the beginning of the Rwandan Revolution.

This revolution lasted two years, in which violence between the Tutsis and Hutus spread across the country. By 1960, the Tutsi king was deposed and the Hutus were brought to local power. At the end of the revolution, some 20,000 Tutsis had died. Rwanda gained its independence from Belgium in 1962, and the revolution continued to grow. People began to flee Rwanda due to unsafe conditions and purges, and they settled in nearby countries as refugees. By the end of 1964, there were over 150,000 nearby Tutsi refugees. For one of the final times, tension flared in Rwanda in 1990 as a Tutsi-led rebel group, the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), invaded Rwanda. A cease-fire was hastily arranged in 1991, and in 1993, an agreement was reached between the RPF and the Hutu government to create a transitional government that included both of the two parties. Many Hutu people were strongly opposed to this plan, and their push towards an increase in Anti-Tutsi propaganda would play a crucial role in building toward the genocide.

On April 6th of 1994, a plane flying across Rwanda containing Hutu President Juvénal Habyarimana as well as the President of Burundi was unexpectedly shot down from the sky, causing it to plummet from the sky and land in Kigali, Rwanda. There were no survivors. The group that orchestrated the assassination was unknown, but it was suspected at first to be a group of Hutu Extremists who were displeased at Habyarimana’s decisions. But the majority of the Hutu population believed Tutsi rebels were responsible.

The assassination of the President of Rwanda was the breaking point for the Hutu race. Decades of pent-up frustration and tension flooded out between Hutus and Tutsis. The very next night, violence began: Hutu extremists banded together across Rwanda with the goal to not only eliminate Tutsis from the country but also moderate Hutus, who had not shown their full loyalty to the extremists.

The next three months held lawlessness and mass murder as Hutu extremists traveled through Rwanda, searching for and killing any Tutsis they found. Radio broadcasts and widespread propaganda also encouraged Hutus to murder their Tutsi neighbors, and many complied, for they feared what would become of them if they refused. Nearly 200,000 Hutus participated in the brutal murder and torture of Tutsis by means of beating, rape, and machetes.

During this time, the UN had troops stationed around Rwanda as part of the United Nations Assistance Mission for Rwanda (UNAMIR) that made failed attempts to reach a cease-fire. In mid-April, as the problem worsened in Rwanda, the U.N pulled over 90% of their troops out of the country, leaving under 300. But nearly two months later, on June 22, the decision was made to deploy the French military to establish Rwanda as a “safe zone”. This was known as Operation Turquoise, which was strongly opposed by the RPF, who believed that the French government had always been on Habyarimana’s side.

The Tutsi rebels continued to resist the interim Hutu government put into place on April 12, and resumed fighting until they eventually gained control, taking Rwanda’s capital city, Kigali, on July 4. Shortly after, the Hutu extremists fled the country, making way for a transitional government focused on unity, with President Pasteur Bizimungu, a Hutu, and Vice President Paul Kagame, a Tutsi. Six years later, after the resignation of Pasteur Bizimungu, Paul Kagame became president. Kagame would become one of the great catalysts for furthering women’s rights in Rwanda.

The end of the Rwandan genocide served as a major catalyst for women’s participation in the country’s government. Before the genocide, the number of women in parliament was strikingly low. Records show that in 1990, women made up about 18% of parliament members. But following his election in 2000, Paul Kagame made the reincorporation of women into Rwandan politics one of his primary goals. President Kagame became one of the largest advocates for the revolution of women’s rights in Rwanda.

As one of his first acts as President, Paul Kagame worked towards amending the Rwandan Constitution to include a set of modernized laws that would advance the number of women in parliament and other areas of government. The text states that women must occupy 30% of all governmental “decision-making bodies”, which proved to be a great change in the country’s political landscape. Prior to the 2003 constitution, Rwanda had little female representation in parliament. Today, in the lower house, approximately 61% of the members are women, and in the upper chamber, roughly 38% are women.

The reason behind these astonishing numbers stems from the genocide itself, and the aftermath of it. After 1994, Rwanda had lost anywhere between 500,000 and one million people. Most of those people were men that had died in battle. Following the mass slaughter, over 70% of the nation’s remaining population was women. This left a large gap in Rwanda’s politics, a problem recognized by Paul Kagame.

There were multiple different reasons why Mr. Kagame began to advocate for something nearly unheard of at that time in Rwanda. One reason, as mentioned, was simply because of the gender imbalance. It would have been nearly impossible for Rwanda to continue running any part of the country-including its politics and its economy by relying on the number of men left in the country and continuing to keep women at home. Another reason was that many viewed the aftermath of the genocide as an opportunity to start new beginnings and reshape the country forever. This was a mindset incorporated into Paul Kagame’s presidency; he made many efforts to erase the damage done by the genocide and even went so far as to ban ethnic labels from Rwanda. Paul Kagame also capitalized on the opportunity for new beginnings in his country by pushing the advancement of women’s rights.

In an address to the African Union in early 2020, he said “for the past weeks, months, years, it’s important that we have had statements of commitment to narrow gender gaps and inequality that exist. We have heard declarations that have had calls to action. It is important now to move to action that gives us results.” This statement proves the emphasis he is putting into his efforts pertaining to women in government. After much important work and “statements of commitment,” he is now calling for action.

But the reason behind female success in government is not just in the laws set in place by Paul Kagame. From the first election after the genocide to the most current election in Rwanda, women have been taking control of their own involvement. In 2008, the first election after the constitution was amended in Rwanda, women held 56% of parliament seats. Later, in 2013, they held 64% of seats. This is because of strategic planning by the women in parliament. When a woman first runs for office, she likely will run for one of the seats guaranteed to women. But as she gains votes and supporters, she will contest men for one of the all-gender seats, making room for new women who are hoping to take one of the female spots. This strategy is one example of how women are working to optimize their representation in parliament, and it exemplifies the teamwork and support that goes into increasing female presence in government.

One other important way that women in parliament are encouraging other women is by motivating women to participate in local government. Also, they are putting energy towards the motivation of ordinary women, in rural areas and cities, to step up and join Rwanda’s agricultural economic workforce.

With so many strong supporters and advocates in the Rwandan government, many women have been able to step up in the country’s economy and assume working and leadership roles. This has been important to Rwanda’s recovery because Rwanda’s primary industry is the production and exportation of crops. Though Rwanda has always used Agriculture as their main source of income, the genocide hit the economy hard and caused production to come to a grinding halt. The genocide caused many things that slowed Rwanda’s economy, including neglect of cash crops, looting, and most of all, widespread death. Because the population after 1994 was 70% women, there was a need for women to step up in all aspects of Rwandan life, including politics and the economy.

Prior to the mid-1900s, women were marginalized as subsistence farmers and achieved low levels of education as well as low pay, which prevented them from taking on more responsibility. Men were the only ones able to access land, production input, training, and financing. This allowed men to maintain leadership roles in Rwanda’s economy, while women stuck to domestic roles inside their homes or working easy tasks on farms. But to rebuild and help sustain the country’s once valued economy, women were given the opportunity to be involved in Rwandan Agribusiness in an elevated way.

One way that they encouraged women to participate was through economic-focused laws passed by Paul Kagame. Kagame saw areas for growth and revamping in the economy just as he did in politics, and viewed the solution to be female involvement and leadership. Several new laws were passed after he was elected President that allowed women in Rwanda to do things unimaginable before: own and inherit land, handle finances, and operate machinery. According to Rwanda’s 2018 Labor Force Report, over 70% of women in Rwanda were participating in either farming, forestry, or fishing. Because of these new laws, women have developed the freedom to take control of their own economic destinies.

Consequently, women have banded together to form strong cooperatives aimed at teaching members all about farming and climate-resistant agriculture. Women are also taught to operate machinery and initiate trade, which are valuable skills in modern-day Rwanda. Something else that has proved equally important to female advancement in agriculture has been women banding together to motivate one another. They have been able to do so through these co-ops; not only are they important in educating women and introducing them to agri-business, but they have proved to be a valuable way for women to connect and inspire one another.

One of the members of the female-run co-op COOPPAVI said "the most important thing is that we no longer feel lonely. We're one big family together," as she reflects on the role her fellow members have had in her life. In addition to local females inspiring one another, women who hold more powerful roles in Rwandan society are important. For example, the many women in parliament, as well as women with their own businesses and companies, have proved to be key trailblazers leading the rest of the country’s women into a new era. Altogether, with the help of President Paul Kagame, women have been able to support one another and redefine Rwanda’s economy, and in the long run, they have been able to recreate what it means to be a woman in the country’s growing economy.

In stark contrast, female domestic responsibilities remain disproportionate and undiminished. Though there has been much campaigning for the advancements of women’s rights, especially by President Paul Kagame, the movement ends there. Formerly, women’s main roles in their daily lives were simply to take care of the family. Whether it was cooking dinner, cleaning, or doing laundry, simple home tasks fell on the shoulders of women throughout Rwanda.

These chores went along with the viewpoints broadcasted throughout the country: that men’s responsibilities were to lead and provide, while mothers, wives, and daughters were taught to be docile and serve the men. But with the end of the genocide came movements towards gender equality in politics and in the economy.

As a result, over 60% of parliament seats are held by women, and over 70% of women in Rwanda are involved in the economy. But the change stopped there. Now, even after more than 25 years, women are facing the responsibilities of balancing domestic duties and growing economic and political responsibility. The reason behind this huge discrepancy lies mostly in the national rejection of feminist ideals. According to many women, there was an ideal image of a female citizen held by most of the country.

This female image, coined as being a “good Rwandan,” entails that women are supposed to do their part to better the economy by joining the workforce, support the government, and reject feminist ideals. So not only are they expected to work and support their families, but also to come home and serve their family and husbands. Most women are taught this at a very young age and are reminded of their place in society throughout their lives.

In the same fashion, the women in parliament are trapped into accepting this. They are afraid to speak out and encourage feminist ideals because many view it as disloyal to their spouses and their country. It is likely that the reason behind the differences between women’s rights in societies versus their own homes lies in the ways that women’s rights came to Rwanda. Because there was little building towards the women’s liberation movement, and that it stemmed from the country’s president rather than a group of women, it is likely that the movement started and ended with the laws. Though increasing women in the workforce and politics was an important milestone, any further progressions, like feminists movements aimed at evening out domestic responsibilities, have been deemed unacceptable.

The end of the Rwandan genocide served as a major catalyst for women’s participation in the country’s government and the advancements of women’s rights. Before the genocide, the number of women in parliament was strikingly low. From the first election after the genocide to the most current election in Rwanda, Rwandan women have been working to steadily increase their voice in government through action taking control of their own involvement. Women’s leadership and involvement in politics and agriculture have also improved greatly since 1994.

Paul Kagame was a trailblazer in this movement, increasing the number of women in politics and advancing laws to support women in Agri-Business. But moreover, powerful females in all sectors of Rwandan life have been taking advantage of these laws and advancing. Women in politics have been strategic in working as one force; making way for new leaders in their nation, which has allowed the country to have over 60% female leadership. And in Rwanda’s agricultural economy, women have joined together to learn, build, and lead, through co-ops and other groups. But nevertheless, women are still found stuck in old domestic duties like cooking and cleaning.

The 1994 genocide was a turning point for women in Rwanda. It brought forth positive change, allowing women to truly become a valued part of their societies. But even after such drastic societal changes, feminism and the idea that women and men should share domestic responsibilities is still frowned upon. So the fight for total equality is far from over in Rwanda, as women slowly work to change their country and the idea of what it means to be a “Good Rwandan.”

A sign commemorates 28 years since the genocide

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